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The Four Gospels Woven Into One, and Then Almost Entirely Lost

Diatessaron

About AD 170 Tatian cut and spliced the four Gospels into a single continuous narrative. It became the gospel of the Syriac-speaking church for two and a half centuries — and survives today in one Greek fragment the size of a playing card, plus translations of translations.

Siglum
Uncial 0212, for the Dura fragment
Type
A composition, not a single book. The one surviving Greek witness is a parchment leaf about 10.5 by 9.5 centimetres with a blank verso; everything else survives in translation, in commentary, or in later harmonies
Language
Composed in Greek or Syriac — the question is unresolved. Surviving witnesses are in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, Arabic, Latin, Persian, Middle Dutch and Old High German
Contents
A single continuous narrative of the life of Jesus assembled from Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, beginning at John 1:1. The genealogies are absent from Ephrem's commentary and from the Arabic version, though some later witnesses carry them. No copy survives complete in Greek or Syriac
Written
The work: about AD 170, with sources ranging from the 160s to about 180 and no agreed figure. The Dura fragment: third century, and necessarily before the fall of Dura in 256 or 257. Ephrem's Syriac commentary manuscript: about AD 500. Codex Fuldensis: 546 or 547 Disputed dating
Origin
Composed by Tatian, probably about AD 170, in Rome or after his return east
Found at
The Dura fragment: the embankment of the city wall west of Block L8 at Dura-Europos, Syria. Ephrem's Syriac commentary and the other witnesses reached scholarship through the antiquities market and monastic libraries, not excavation
Found in
The Dura fragment on 5 March 1933; the Chester Beatty Syriac commentary acquired in 1957, with further leaves in 1984 and 1986
Found by
The Dura fragment was recovered by the Yale University and French Academy of Inscriptions expedition; the excavation was directed in the field by C. Hopkins. No single finder is recorded for the composition as a whole, because there is no single manuscript of it to find
Now held at
Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University (the Dura fragment); Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (Ephrem's commentary in Syriac); Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek Fulda (Codex Fuldensis); Vatican Library (the principal Arabic manuscripts)
Shelfmark
New Haven, Beinecke, P.CtYBR inv. DPg 24 (also Dura Parchment 24; uncial 0212); Dublin, Chester Beatty, Syc 709 and Syc 709.1; Fulda, 100 Bonifatianus 1 (the Victor Codex)
Facsimile
View the manuscript

One Card-Sized Fragment

Tatian came from the East, called himself an Assyrian, went to Rome, became a pupil of Justin Martyr, and after Justin's death broke with the church over an austere teaching that rejected wine, meat and marriage. Somewhere around AD 170 he produced a single continuous gospel narrative out of the four. The name means "through four". Eusebius, writing a century and a half later, could only report it at arm's length: Tatian "formed a certain combination and collection of the Gospels, I know not how, to which he gave the title Diatessaron, and which is still in the hands of some."

Nothing of it survives complete in any language. The only piece of it in Greek that anyone has ever found is a single parchment leaf about ten centimetres across, dug out of the embankment of the city wall at Dura-Europos on 5 March 1933 by the Yale and French Academy expedition, and datable simply because Dura fell in 256 or 257 and nothing was put into that embankment afterwards. Yale holds it in the Beinecke Library as P.CtYBR inv. DPg 24, and has digitised it in full; it is also known as Dura Parchment 24 and, in the register of New Testament manuscripts, as uncial 0212. The verso is blank.

Everything else is at one or more removes. There is Ephrem the Syrian's commentary on it, surviving in Armenian and — since the Chester Beatty Library acquired the manuscript in 1957 — in Syriac, published by L. Leloir in 1963 with forty-one more leaves surfacing in 1984 and 1986; between the Dublin leaves and one folio in Barcelona, about eighty per cent of that codex survives. There is an Arabic version, translated in the eleventh century from a Syriac copy made in the ninth. There is a Latin harmony, Codex Fuldensis, written for Victor of Capua in the 540s and now at Fulda. There are medieval Dutch, Persian and Old High German harmonies. As P. M. Head puts it of the Arabic, we are "at least one translation (maybe two) away from the original Diatessaron, and several copyings."

Why a Bible Reader Should Care

The first reason is what its existence shows about the Gospels. By about AD 170 Tatian had four, and it was these four, and he treated them as the material to be harmonised rather than as four options among many. Victor of Capua, who read the whole Latin harmony closely enough to insert reference numbers throughout it, could be confident that scarcely a word in it does not come from one of the four. That is a strong piece of evidence and it deserves to be stated carefully rather than pushed: it shows the four were the authoritative gospel material in Tatian's world, which is not the same claim as a closed canon, and specialists differ on how much further it reaches. The standard recent volume on the subject, edited by M. R. Crawford and N. J. Zola, is described by its publisher as addressing a work that has been claimed both as a vindication of the fourfold gospel's early canonical status and as an argument for the canon's continuing fluidity — which is a fair summary of how widely the same evidence gets used. There are two real qualifications. Tatian appears to have had some access to material outside the four, though it is a small proportion of the whole. And Victor was reading a sixth-century Latin harmony whose text had been conformed to the Vulgate — the very witness the next section shows to be the only surviving Western one, and a compromised one. His observation is worth having; it is not a direct sight of what Tatian wrote.

The second reason is what happened to it. It was not merely edged out; it was collected up and replaced, and the bishop who did it wrote down why. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, about 453, reported that Tatian "composed the Gospel which is called Diatessaron, cutting out the genealogies and such other passages as show the Lord to have been born of the seed of David after the flesh." Ordinary congregations, he says, used it innocently: it "was in use not only among persons belonging to his sect, but also among those who follow the apostolic doctrine, as they did not perceive the mischief of the composition, but used the book in all simplicity on account of its brevity." Then the sentence that is quoted in every account of the Diatessaron: "And I myself found more than two hundred such copies held in respect in the churches in our parts. All these I collected and put away, and I replaced them by the Gospels of the Four Evangelists."

It is worth being exact about that, because it is often told as a story about tidiness and it is not. Theodoret's stated objection is doctrinal: he thought the harmony obscured the Lord's descent from David in the flesh, which is a claim the New Testament makes in its own words. And it is a story about the four winning, in a place where they had not been the working text for generations. What survives of Tatian's own tendencies in the text is thinner than the lurid version suggests. The genealogies really are absent from Ephrem and from the Arabic, and Theodoret says so too — though some witnesses carry them and D. Plooij argued they were there originally. Head's own conclusion after examining the christology is measured: in producing the harmony "Tatian pursued a relatively conservative procedure: including practically everything from each Gospel," and apart from the genealogies "there is little other evidence of a rejection of the humanity of Jesus."

The Method for Recovering It Is Collapsing

For most of the twentieth century, scholars reconstructed Tatian's text by triangulating the surviving translations and quotations. W. L. Petersen built the standard apparatus for it and wrote the field's standard book. The governing rule was that a reading counts as Tatian's when both an Eastern and a Western witness carry it and no other source explains it. That method is now in serious trouble, and the trouble came from inside.

U. B. Schmid, building on B. Fischer and J. Rathofer, showed that the supposedly ancient Latin readings in the medieval Western harmonies were circulating in ordinary medieval commentary — in the Glossa Ordinaria and in marginal and interlinear glosses — and traced twenty-four Latin witnesses back, one by one, to Codex Fuldensis. His verdict is blunt: "in all likelihood only one Western witness had an independent voice, and that is Codex Fuldensis itself. Forget about the rest, if you want to reconstruct Tatian's Diatessaron." D. C. Parker drew the consequence: "At a sweep, therefore, the entire Western tradition is reduced to a single witness [= Codex Fuldensis]. This is a matter to which scholars will need to turn their attention rather urgently." N. J. Zola's summary is that "the entire Western Diatessaronic tradition is collapsing back into a single witness: Codex Fuldensis."

Even the Dura fragment is contested. D. C. Parker, D. G. K. Taylor and M. Goodacre re-edited it in 1999 and concluded it is not Tatian's at all: "We confess to having felt some surprise when five out of the eight items on which a conclusion could be reached proved to be non-Tatianic. The bulk of evidence is strongly against the fragment's being a part of Tatian's Diatessaron." J. Joosten answered them in 2003 and defended the identification. I. N. Mills argued the case against more strongly still in the standard 2019 collection; this article has not opened his chapter and reports it from the volume's own contents. M. Monier and J. E. Taylor, who come down in favour of the identification, nevertheless put the underlying difficulty in one sentence: "reconstructing the Diatessaron on the basis of later versions has proven problematic, so there is no agreed-upon text with which the fragment can be compared". Their own suggestion is that the leaf "contains significant errors of reading, and thus it may be a writing exercise" — an early form of Tatian's text, but not an expert copy of it. Even the original language is unresolved: T. Zahn, D. Plooij and Petersen argued for Syriac, H. Vogels, H. von Soden and Schmid for Greek, and Zola describes the field as "split down the middle" with a resolution unlikely without new evidence.

This article has not opened Petersen's 1994 volume, and it will not put words in his mouth: he was acutely aware of how poor the available editions were, and the one hedge of his that can be quoted with a page number is his description of the "insurmountable obstacles" presented by the "poor editions and translations" of the Arabic. It is also worth knowing the field has not stopped. Zola argues that Fuldensis may yet yield genuine Tatianic readings; J. W. Barker's 2021 study sorts the witnesses by narrative sequence rather than wording and argues the Eastern witnesses preserve Tatian's order while the Western descend from a fourth-century revision. The reason to tell a reader all this is not to be gloomy about scholarship. It is that a method which worked for eighty years turned out to be resting on medieval glosses, and the people who found that out were the specialists themselves, in print, correcting their own field.

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