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A Greek-and-Latin Gospels and Acts With a Text Unlike Any Other

Codex Bezae

Also called Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis

A bilingual copy of the Gospels and Acts from about AD 400 whose text departs from every other manuscript so often — and so interestingly — that scholars have argued for a century about what it actually is.

Siglum
D (Gregory-Aland 05); the Old Latin siglum d. Not to be confused with Codex Claromontanus, D 06
Type
Parchment codex, Greek and Latin on facing leaves, single column of 33 lines written in sense-lines without accents or breathings; 415 leaves survive of an original of over 500, nine of them ninth-century replacements; leaves 260 mm tall
Language
Greek and Latin
Contents
The four Gospels in the order Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; a single page of 3 John 11-15 in Latin only; and Acts, breaking off at 22:29 in the Greek. Only Luke is complete. Revelation and the rest of the Johannine letters may once have stood between Mark and 3 John
Written
About AD 400 — the end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century Traditional dating
Origin
Unknown. Cambridge's record lists southern France, Egypt, northern Africa, Palestine and Beirut as proposals; D. C. Parker argues for Berytus (Beirut)
Found at
Not applicable. Probably at the monastery of St Irenaeus in Lyon from the ninth century
Found in
Not applicable. Acquired by Theodore Beza after the sacking of Lyon in 1562 and sent to Cambridge with a letter dated 6 December 1581
Found by
No finder. Given by Theodore Beza, whose name it carries
Now held at
Cambridge University Library
Shelfmark
MS Nn.2.41
Facsimile
View the manuscript

Greek on the Left, Latin on the Right

Codex Bezae is a parchment codex of about AD 400 in which every opening shows the Greek text on the left-hand page and a Latin version facing it on the right, written in a single column of thirty-three lines, in sense-lines, without accents or breathings. Cambridge University Library, which has held it since 1581, catalogues it as MS Nn.2.41. Four hundred and fifteen leaves survive of an original that ran to over five hundred; nine of the survivors are ninth-century replacements.

Its contents are the four Gospels in the Western order — Matthew, John, Luke, Mark — then a single page carrying the last verses of 3 John in Latin only, then Acts. D. C. Parker, who wrote the standard study of it and whose description Cambridge publishes with its images, notes that "The only book that is complete is the Gospel of Luke, since there are pages missing from all the others", and that between Mark and 3 John the book may originally have held Revelation and the rest of the Johannine letters. The single scribe was, on the evidence of his own habits, trained mainly to copy Latin: he drops the Greek article, his Greek abbreviations for sacred names are old-fashioned for his date while his Latin ones are current, and his upsilon looks like a Latin Y.

The Latin half matters as much as the Greek. It is, in Parker's words, "one of the small handful of manuscripts which are the most important witnesses to the development of a Latin version before Jerome's famous Vulgate of 382". The book's later history is Lyonnais: the ninth-century replacement leaves are written in bluish ink characteristic of Lyon, and it seems to have sat in the monastery of St Irenaeus there. Theodore Beza acquired it after the city was sacked in 1562 and sent it to Cambridge with a letter dated 6 December 1581. Where it was made is genuinely unknown — Cambridge's own record simply lists the proposals, "including southern France, Egypt, northern Africa, Palestine and Beirut" — and Parker adds, in the first person, "I have proposed Berytus (Beirut)."

The Readings Nobody Else Has

Bezae's text is not a variant here and there. In the Gospels it harmonises constantly; in Acts it differs from the tradition behind modern translations continuously and substantially — and what that difference amounts to is the subject of the third section. Some of its individual readings are famous. After Luke 6:4 it inserts a story told nowhere else: seeing a man working on the Sabbath, Jesus says to him that if he knows what he is doing he is blessed, and if he does not, he is accursed and a breaker of the law. In Luke's genealogy it does not simply reverse Luke's list — it substitutes Matthew's, run backwards. At Acts 12:10, when the angel leads Peter out of prison, Bezae adds that they went down seven steps. It is the oldest manuscript to carry the story of the woman caught in adultery, and one of the two oldest to carry the longer ending of Mark — alongside Codex Washingtonianus, whose date overlaps its own — though here only as far as verse 15 before its pages give out.

In Acts the accumulation is what strikes people: the book is noticeably longer here than in the tradition behind modern translations. The figure usually quoted is 8.5 per cent, and it is worth knowing where that comes from, because it is not a comparison of manuscripts. P. Gurry traced it: it is F. G. Kenyon's 1939 figure, arrived at by comparing two printed editions — Westcott and Hort's against A. C. Clark's. Comparing actual manuscripts gives slightly less: Gurry's own count of Bezae against Sinaiticus came to 7.9 per cent, and J. Read-Heimerdinger's word-count against Vaticanus to 6.6. Between six and eight per cent longer is the safe way to put it.

What Is It? Four Answers

The oldest serious proposal is that Luke wrote twice. F. Blass argued at the end of the nineteenth century — following a suggestion of Jean Leclerc — that Luke issued two editions of each of his works, and, importantly, that the priority runs in opposite directions in the two books: the Bezan form is the earlier in Acts and the later in Luke. Kenyon set the theory out fairly and then rejected it, and his reason is the strong one: "Changes which are possible to a careless scribe, or to a writer indifferent as to the precise wording of his text, are incomprehensible as the work of an author transcribing his own composition." He asked whether Luke would really have struck a clause out of the Jerusalem Council's letter. A later two-edition theory, running the other way, was argued by M.-E. Boismard and A. Lamouille in 1984.

A second position doubts the question. W. A. Strange opens his study of the problem by asking "Is there, indeed, any homogeneous entity to be recognised as 'the Western text of Acts', or have we to do rather with ill-defined collections of readings which have been misleadingly called 'Western'?" B. Metzger, following Haenchen, separated Western variation into three levels, and it is the first of them — the broad early stratum of minor clarifying readings, found in the Gospels and the Pauline corpus as well as in Acts — that he said "cannot be regarded as a 'recension,' for it is not and never was a unity"; the second level, the substantive additions "peculiar to the Western text of Acts", he held did "reveal the hand of a reviser" who was "a meticulous and well-informed scholar". Strange's own proposal is that the distinctive material came from "an extensive and meticulous process of annotation which took place at an early stage in the book's history" — marginal notes that got copied into the text.

A third argument is about theology. E. J. Epp, in The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis in Acts (1966), argued that the Bezan text of Acts carries a consistent anti-Judaic tendency — sharpening Jewish responsibility for the death of Jesus and for the opposition the apostles met — and that this points to a Gentile Christian reviser rather than to Luke. The book is a standard treatment and has been in print for sixty years. J. Rius-Camps and J. Read-Heimerdinger have argued at length against him: Epp "discussed only a small number of the variant readings of Codex Bezae and overlooked a great deal of evidence which shows that the inner perspective of the Bezan text is thoroughly Jewish", and criticism of a Judaism that does not accept Jesus as Messiah "does not make it the work of Gentile revisers". Reviewing them, T. Nicklas neither took sides nor pretended to: he reports that they contend the Bezan text "is written from the perspective of an author who was well-acquainted with ancient Judaism", objects that their main criterion — that the more coherent and vivid text is the older — "is at least problematic", and adds that he still favours the more common view while appreciating the book very much. That is where the argument stands.

The fourth answer comes from the scholar who wrote the standard monograph on the manuscript. Parker, opening it, warns that anyone who writes at length on it may be suspected of bias in its favour, and then says: "Although some years of frequent communion have given me a peculiar affection, which would often seek to exculpate, for this manuscript, the fact is that the longer I have studied it, the more I have become convinced that its many unique readings only very rarely deserve serious consideration if one is trying to establish the best available text." Whether any of its singular readings is original is still argued — Rius-Camps and Read-Heimerdinger have written four volumes on Bezan Acts on the other side. But the scholar who wrote the standard study of this manuscript, and loves it, thinks almost none is. It is a priceless window onto how the Gospels and Acts were read, retold and expanded in the early Latin West, and that is a large enough claim to be worth making accurately.

Scripture references

Sources

Further reading

Reflect

The scholar who has spent longest with this manuscript, and loves it, concluded that its unique readings are almost never original. What would it take for you to reach a conclusion like that about something you love?

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